
The Hidden Dangers of Senate Voting and the Greens’ Secret Advantage
The 2016 Senate voting system overhaul quietly gave the Greens a significant, hidden advantage, and I’ve seen it firsthand.
As a psephologist and someone with a deep understanding of the mathematics behind voting preferences, I can tell you this reform was not just an innocent update. It was designed with a specific purpose: to boost the Greens at the expense of the broader electorate.
The 2016 Change to Senate Voting
Until 2016, a Senate candidate needed a full quota of 14% of the votes to be elected. Since achieving 14% of the primary vote is difficult, most candidates require the flow-on from preferences.
The new method introduced in 2016 means that if you only number six parties on the Senate ballot paper, but none of them are successful, your vote is ‘exhausted’. Your vote will not be allocated to any other preferences.
With less than 100% of votes in play, the final Senator (or two) can be elected on a partial quota.
Suggesting that voters need to number only their top six preferences above the line may have seemed like a simple change. But in reality, it was a carefully constructed method designed to favour the Greens, a fact many Coalition MPs failed to recognise when Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull pushed it through.
While the public might have thought this was a positive step to simplify voting, it was, in truth, a dangerous shift that undermines the integrity of our democracy.
The Greens’ Advantage
This reform gives the Greens a hidden advantage, allowing them to secure a disproportionate number of Senate seats.
This happened in 2016, when the Greens, with only 8.7% of the vote, secured 12% of the Senate seats. Meanwhile, the combined votes of all the minor parties (right-wing, centrist, and others), which were 20% of the electorate, well over the required 14% quota, missed out due to the ‘exhaustion’ of votes not numbered beyond six.
In 2019, with only 10% of the vote, the Greens gained 15% of the Senate seats. Meanwhile, all the minor parties’ combined votes of 18.6% were effectively ignored. If many voters had numbered beyond six, a non-Green party would have been elected to the final Senate seat instead.
How Preferences Are Wasted: A Real-World Example
Let me give you an example. Suppose a voter in NSW decides to vote for smaller parties, such as the Australian Christians, the Indigenous party, or the Libertarian/Heart coalition, without numbering beyond their top six. These parties, while well-meaning, have little to no chance of winning a seat. By stopping at six, voters inadvertently waste their preferences. More importantly, they miss out on giving their preferences to parties that actually have a chance of winning, like Family First, One Nation or Trumpet of Patriots.

Image: People First’s QLD Senate How to Vote Card. This card does not preference a major party and only numbers six boxes, which risks the vote being wasted/exhausted.

Image: Trumpet of Patriots’ NSW Senate How to Vote Card. This card does not preference a major party and only numbers six boxes, which risks the vote being wasted/exhausted.
When preferences are not numbered beyond the top six, the Greens, who may not have the broad support needed to win a seat outright (i.e., get a full quota of 14% as in the old scheme), can still win the last Senate seat because they gained a partial quota.
Interestingly, while many MPs, notably from the Liberal and National parties, blindly supported Turnbull’s reform, the Australian Labor Party (ALP) saw the implications.
In Hansard – the official record of parliamentary debates – we can see that the ALP vehemently opposed this change. Why? Because they understood that the new method would give an advantage to the Greens at the expense of the ALP (and others). (ALP MPs did not name the Greens but stated that the new method gives a “medium” party an unfair advantage. A “medium party” gains about two-thirds of a quota, and usually the Greens are the only ‘medium’ party.)
A Crucial and Simple Solution: Number All Preferences
The solution to this problem is simple: number all the boxes above the line. Not just 1 to 6, but every single box.
Doing this ensures that your vote doesn’t go to waste (“exhaust” is the technical term in the electoral law). It ensures that your preferences flow in a way that avoids giving the Greens a hidden advantage.
In NSW, there are 18 Senate groups. If voting above the line, then voters should number every box, putting the Greens last by placing an 18 in the Greens’ box in column R. (Similarly, if you do vote below the line, requiring a lot harder work in researching candidates, then number all the candidates in all 18 columns, again putting the Greens’ candidates in column R last.)
This ensures that if your top few choices do not win, your vote will be transferred down to favour parties with a chance of securing a seat instead of the Greens. It’s an easy, practical way to ensure your vote counts in a fairer, more representative manner.
Justice and Fairness in Voting Systems
Christians are called to act justly and seek fairness in everything. The Bible teaches that everyone should be treated fairly and that justice should prevail (Micah 6:8).
The way we vote is no different. If the system is rigged to favour one group disproportionately, it’s a failure of justice. As a nation, we should strive for a system that reflects the will of the people, not one that skews the outcome to benefit a minority.
This issue is not just political. It’s a matter of integrity, fairness, and representation. The current voting system undermines those principles by allowing a small group to gain outsized power in the Senate.
Christians must advocate for a system that upholds justice, ensures every vote counts, and promotes transparency.
In the upcoming elections, it’s crucial that Australians understand the consequences of the current Senate voting system.
By numbering all preferences, we can reduce the Greens’ unfair advantage and ensure that nobody’s vote “exhausts,” i.e., goes to waste.
This is not just about electing the right people. It’s about protecting the integrity of our democracy. As citizens and as Christians, we have a responsibility to ensure that our electoral system is just, fair, and genuinely representative of the people.
Let’s not allow a flawed system to undermine the democratic process. Number all the boxes above the line (or below), and place the Greens last. It’s a simple but vital step to restoring fairness to the Senate voting process.
___
Image via Wikimedia Commons.
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Lex, brilliant, thank you so much for your succinct explanation.
Very helpful. So that’s how the Greens did it.
Yes, Greens LAST!
Thank you, Lex, for your succinct summary of what can be an overwhelming process for the ‘average’ Australian. I know that, in the past, I just put 1-6 and handed it in, but in the last few elections, I am far more alert and aware, thanks in part to knowing you personally and having conversations that have been eye-opening! Your wealth of knowledge and understanding of our electoral process is extremely helpful and I pray that this goes far and wide.
I voted early, went in with my list and numbered every box. Because I want the parties I consider least suitable for government to know it.
And yes, Greens came in last.
Thanks so much for this clear explanation.
Can the Senate voting system be overhauled AGAIN to reinstate integrity, fairness and transparency ?
Thank you Lex SO MUCH for spelling this whole issue out succinctly and simply.
Blessings
Amen! the system is rotten. The fact is that voting a party second last can help them get elected in preference to the very worst: but while that is the best of the worst it means that the vote COUNTING system (not the preferential system) is quite capable of promoting a second last preference to to be equal to a first preference vote. Theoretically a candidate could win where the only difference is where 3 second-last preferences beat 2 second preferences. That is simply WRONG. The FACT is that our vote COUNTING system is inherently incapable of guaranteeing a fair result in all circumstances. Now Arrow’s so called “Impossibility Theorem” is used to claim that we can’t do better. But the Borda count guarantees fair interpretation of votes even when it rejects a marginal “absolute majority” as shown by this extreme example:
5 candidates, A to E: if A gets 51% of 1st preferences but 49% of 5th or last preferences; and, if E gets 100% 2nd preferences; who should win? A has a so-called ‘absolute majority’ despite being last choice of 49% of voters. E is 2nd choice of all voters and last choice of no one. Both Borda and DCAP recognise E as the rightful winner. Why? Because A is only 51% of the way from unanimously LAST, to unanimously First; whereas E is 75% of the way towards unanimously being elected. With 5 candidates, Borda counts 1st preferences as 4; 2nd preferences as 3, … and 5th preferences as 0; so, per 100 voters, Borda reports that E wins with 300 (100×3) with A on 204 (51*4). DCAP reports it as B wins at 75%; with A on 51%, while B, C & D, share 124% between them, all of which adds to exactly 250%, since the sum of DCAP scores is always half the number of candidates expressed as a percentage. Note: per 100 voters, (DCAP = count)/(Votes*(Candidates-1)) and in this example (204)/((100*(5-1)) = 51% and 300/400=75%. Only DCAP and Borda always correctly reject a marginal ‘absolute majority’ when the votes prove that there is a Candidate or Party that more voters find more acceptable. DCAP and the Senate variant DPAP is my invention (that turned out to be an adaptation of Borda) that fairly and justly handles Optional Preferential Voting, as well as allowing SPLIT Optional Preferential Voting to handle the 30+Parties/100+Candidates in Federal Senate elections. With SPLIT OPV, voters can vote ATL as 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 27, 28, 29, 31 (omitting 7 though 26) or even voting BTL 1, to 12 and 99 to 111, omitting 13 to 88, including Ungrouped candidates, and DPAP gives a guaranteed fair proportional representation where big parties get their fair share and no more.